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		TURKEY 1999 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor U.S. Department of State, February 25, 2000 TURKEY Turkey is a constitutional republic with a multiparty Parliament, the Turkish Grand National Assembly, which elects the President. In 1993 it elected Suleyman Demirel President for a 7-year term. After April parliamentary elections, Bulent Ecevit's Democratic Left Party (DSP), the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) led by Devlet Bahceli, and former Prime Minister Mesut Yilmaz's Motherland Party (ANAP) formed a new Government in June with Ecevit as Prime Minister. The military exercises substantial, but indirect, influence over government policy and actions--and politics--in the belief that it is the constitutional protector of the State. The Government generally respects the Constitution's provisions for an independent judiciary; however, various officials acknowledge the need for legislative changes to strengthen its independence. For over 15 years, the Government has engaged in armed conflict with the terrorist Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), whose goal originally was the formation of a separate state of Kurdistan in southeastern Turkey. A state of emergency, declared in 1987, continues in five southeastern provinces that faced substantial PKK terrorist violence. The Parliament in November lifted the state of emergency in Siirt province. The level of violence decreased substantially compared with the previous year. The state of emergency region's governor has authority over the provincial governors in the five provinces, and six adjacent ones including Siirt, for security matters. Under the state of emergency, this regional governor may exercise certain quasi-martial law powers, including imposing restrictions on the press, removing from the area persons whose activities are deemed detrimental to public order, and ordering village evacuations. The state of emergency decree was renewed in five provinces (Diyarbakir, Hakkari, Sirnak, Tunceli, and Van) for 4 months in November. The Turkish National Police (TNP) have primary responsibility for security in urban areas, while the Jandarma (gendarmerie) carry out this function in the countryside. The armed forces, in support of the police and particularly the Jandarma, carry out operations against the PKK in the state of emergency region, thereby serving an internal security function. These operations declined in number as the terrorist threat ebbed. Although civilian and military authorities remain publicly committed to the rule of law and respect for human rights, members of the security forces, including police "special teams," other TNP personnel, village guards, and Jandarma committed serious human rights abuses. The Government passed a series of long-awaited economic structural and fiscal reforms. These developments bolstered the Government's launch of a 3-year disinflationary program designed to rectify income disparities. The export-oriented market economy contracted during the year, due to the disinflationary program, the aftermath of the Russian financial crisis of 1998, a slump in tourism revenues, and the impact of the August 17 earthquake. A slight recovery was apparent by year's end. Trade in manufactured goods, predominantly oriented toward the European Union, remained resilient overall. Textiles, iron, and steel continued to lead exports, but electronics, autos, and processed foods featured more prominently. The Government made substantial progress toward international pipeline agreements to ship Caspian Basin oil and gas to world markets through the Caucasus and Turkey. Inflation was slightly higher than in 1998, and income disparities between the top and bottom population segments grew. Corruption in public procurement continued to be a focus of public attention. Serious human rights abuses continued; however, the Ecevit Government adopted measures designed to improve human rights and some officials participated in a broad public debate on democracy and human rights. Extrajudicial killings continued, including deaths due to excessive force and deaths in detention due to torture. There were few reports of mystery killings and disappearances of political activists; however, the authorities failed to adequately investigate past disappearances. Torture, beatings, and other abuses by security forces remained widespread, at times resulting in deaths. Police and Jandarma often employed torture and abused detainees during incommunicado detention and interrogation. The lack of universal and immediate access to an attorney and long detention periods for those held for political crimes are major factors in the commission of torture by police and other security forces. With the decrease in operations and detentions in the southeast, there were fewer reported cases of abuse; however, the proportion of cases in which abuse occurred remained at high levels. The rarity of convictions and the light sentences imposed on police and other security officials for killings and torture continued to foster a climate of impunity that remained the single largest obstacle to reducing torture and prisoner abuse. Investigations and trials of officials suspected of abuses continued to be protracted and inconclusive. Important cases dating back several years continued without resolution, including: Appeals in the cases of police officers charged with the 1996 death of journalist Metin Goktepe, 10 police officers from Manisa charged with torturing 16 persons in 1995, and action against police and security personnel charged with beating to death 10 prisoners during a prison disturbance in Diyarbakir in 1996. Prison conditions remained poor. In September armed clashes between prisoners and prison officials resulted in the killing of 10 prisoners. The police and Jandarma continued to use arbitrary arrest and detention. Prolonged pretrial detention and lengthy trials continued to be problems. Prosecutions brought by the Government in State Security Courts (SSC's) reflect the legal structure, which protects state interests over individual rights. The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights. Limits on freedom of speech and of the press remained a serious problem. Authorities banned or confiscated numerous publications and raided newspaper offices, encouraging self-censorship on reporting on the southeast. Security forces at times beat journalists. Police and the courts continued to limit freedom of expression by using restrictions in the 1982 Constitution and several laws, including the 1991 Anti-Terror Law (disseminating separatist propaganda), Article 159 of the Criminal Code (concerning insults to Parliament, the army, Republic, or judiciary), Article 160 (insulting the Turkish Republic), Article 169 (aiding an illegal organization), Article 312 (incitement to racial, ethnic or religious enmity), the Law to Protect Ataturk, and Article 16 of the Press Law. Parliament during the year passed two new laws, on combating criminal organizations and on prosecuting civil servants, that contain provisions allowing prosecutions for certain types of speech. Parliament in August also passed a law suspending for 3 years the sentences of writers and journalists convicted of crimes involving freedom of expression through the media. By the end of the year, at least 25 journalists, authors, or political party officials who had published articles were released, and as many as hundreds more had their trials halted. However, they are subject to reimprisonment if they commit a similar crime within a 3-year period. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) reported that at least 18 journalists nevertheless remained imprisoned at year's end compared with 25 in 1998. Human rights observers and some released writers criticized the suspension of sentences law because it did not apply to crimes committed through speech and because the conditions for the suspension amount to censorship. Some members of the country's political elite, bureaucracy, military, and judiciary claim that the state is threatened by both "reactionaries" (Islamists) and "separatists" (Kurdish nationalists) and continued to call for concrete steps--many involving potential curbs on freedom of expression--to meet these threats. Prosecutors, courts, and the police continued to take actions against those accused of challenging the secular nature or unity of the state, generally on the basis of the constitutional restrictions on freedom of expression. Government pressure on the legal but pro-Kurdish People's Democracy Party (HADEP) continued. The authorities detained 47 HADEP members who led a hunger strike after PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan's November 1998 flight from Syria. Party leaders allege that many were tortured or beaten; all were released after several months' detention. HADEP politicians asserted that, especially before the April elections, they were the object of arbitrary arrests and harassment designed to hurt their election chances. Following the elections and a drop in PKK terrorist violence in the summer, government pressure on HADEP eased somewhat, although some HADEP officials still faced harassment, court cases, and hostility from some security officials. In December police raided HADEP party offices in seven provinces. The National Security Council, a powerful, constitutionally mandated advisory body to the Government composed of equal numbers of senior military officers and civilian ministers, continued to urge the Government to offer no concessions in the fight against the perceived threat of radical Islam, described the armed forces as the constitutionally mandated "fist" protecting secularism, and accused Islamist media of extremism and undermining the State. However, following the killing of a prominent secular journalist in October, the military and political leadership resisted calls to crack down on Islamists. Istanbul mayor and prominent Islamist political leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan was released after serving 41/2 months of a 10-month sentence for a 1998 conviction on charges of promoting religious enmity and threatening the unity of the state. He is banned permanently from politics. Both the HADEP and the Islamist Fazilet parties, whose predecessors had been closed, were the subjects of closure cases during the year for alleged anticonstitutional activities. Both cases were pending at year's end, and elected officials of both parties remained in office in full exercise of their functions. The moderate pro-Kurdish Democratic Mass Party (DKP) was closed in February. Amendments passed by Parliament in August make it more difficult to prove allegations of anticonstitutional activities and close political parties. The state of emergency governor, courts, police, and the state broadcasting oversight body denied the Kurdish population, the largest single ethnic group in the southeast, use of its language in election campaigning, education, broadcasting, and in some cultural activities, such as weddings. Printed material in Kurdish is legal. However, the police continue to interfere with the distribution of some newspapers, and the governor of the emergency region banned some Kurdish-language newspapers in that mainly Kurdish-speaking area. Kurdish music recordings are widely available, but bans on certain songs and singers persist. Radio and television broadcasts in Kurdish are illegal and in practice rarely occur, with the exception of a station that is widely believed to be broadcast from a military base. Some radio stations, especially in the southeast, play Kurdish music. The Government's broadcast monitoring agency mostly tolerates this practice but has closed down some stations for playing politically oriented, banned Kurdish music. The police and Jandarma continued to limit freedom of assembly and association. The police harassed, beat, abused, and detained a large number of demonstrators. For example the Saturday Mothers, who held weekly vigils in Istanbul for more than 3 years to protest the disappearances of their relatives, discontinued their gatherings in March in the face of ongoing police harassment, abuse, and detention of the group's members. The Government continued to impose some restrictions on religious minorities and at times imposed some limits on freedom of movement. The Government continued to harass, intimidate, indict, and imprison human rights monitors, journalists, and lawyers for ideas that they expressed in public forums. The Diyarbakir branch of the leading human rights nongovernmental organization (NGO), the Human Rights Association (HRA), remained closed; other NGO branches have been closed, temporarily or indefinitely, especially in the southeast. Former HRA president Akin Birdal was jailed in June on charges of inciting hatred and enmity in nonviolent statements he made about the Kurdish problem and torture, but in late September was released for 6 months on medical grounds. In December the Ankara State Security Court sentenced 10 persons, including a former Jandarma sergeant, and acquitted 6 others in the 1998 attempted murder of Birdal. There were some signs of a growing tolerance for human rights monitors, journalists, and lawyers: State Minister Irtemcelik and President Demirel met with NGO's, and the office of the HRA in Van reopened in October after being closed for 5 years. Spousal abuse remains a serious problem, and discrimination against women persisted. Some abuse of children, discrimination against religious and ethnic minorities, and child labor remained serious problems. There are some restrictions on worker rights. Trafficking in women and girls to Turkey for the purpose of forced prostitution is a problem. The situation in the southeast remained a serious concern. The Government has long denied the Kurdish population, located largely in the southeast, basic political, cultural, and linguistic rights. Past cases of extrajudicial killings went unsolved, and the police and Jandarma tortured civilians. The state of emergency authority abridged freedom of expression and put pressure on HADEP. The number of villagers forcibly evacuated from their homes since the conflict began is estimated credibly to be approximately 560,000. In February the Government captured PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan. In June he was tried in a State Security Court on the charge of treason through trying to separate part of the country from government control (i.e., sedition) and sentenced to death. His sentence was upheld in November, and the case is pending before the European Court of Human Rights. Human rights observers, including the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR), raised several due process concerns in the Ocalan case, including his initial 9 to 10 days of incommunicado detention, the limited access of Ocalan's lawyers to private consultations with their client and to written material included in the prosecution's case, and the harassment and threats directed toward Ocalan's lawyers. After his capture and trial, Ocalan called for PKK members to leave Turkey and commit themselves to a peaceful resolution of the Kurdish problem. The new Ecevit Government adopted a series of initiatives during the year designed to improve human rights conditions. They included: Removing military judges from the State Security Courts; increasing maximum, although not minimum, sentences for torture or for falsifying a medical record to hide torture; calling for prosecutors to make unscheduled inspections of detention sites; making it more difficult to close political parties; suspending for 3 years the sentences or court cases of dozens of journalists and writers, provided they do not commit a similar offense; imposing a time limit on supervisors to decide whether civil servants, including security forces, can be prosecuted; and allowing prosecutors to begin immediately collecting evidence of alleged abuse by security officials. Senior judicial figures, the President, other politicians, and private citizens participated in a wide-ranging public debate on amending the 1982, postmilitary coup-era Constitution in order to allow greater individual liberties. Due to major developments in the fight against PKK terrorism, public discussion of options for dealing with the Kurdish problem became more vigorous than ever. In October the State Minister for Human Rights convened a broad roundtable discussion with NGO's, professional associations, and parliamentary bodies. The State Minister for Human Rights, who is also the coordinator for the High Council for Human Rights, and the Minister of Justice led the Government's effort to implement legislative and administrative reforms. The armed forces continued to emphasize human rights in training for its officers and noncommissioned officers. Human rights groups attributed a general reduction in human rights violations by military personnel to this effort. Human rights education in primary schools is mandatory; it is an elective in high schools. The PKK continued to commit abuses as part of its violent 15-year campaign against the Government and civilians, mostly Kurds. In the first half of the year, PKK terrorists committed random killings and attacks throughout Turkey to protest Ocalan's capture. Terrorist acts attributed to the PKK included a suicide bomb attack in Adana in July, which injured 17 persons, and an Istanbul department store bombing in March that killed 13 persons. Although there was a brief resurgence of PKK terrorist acts following the June sentencing of PKK leader Ocalan to death, a lower rate of PKK terrorist acts was recorded during the summer and fall than in the previous year. In recent years military pressure significantly reduced the PKK's effectiveness, and some PKK members--though not all--are heeding Ocalan's call for an end to the armed struggle and PKK withdrawal from Turkey. Violence declined to the point where the public's freedom to travel at night is no longer restricted in parts of the southeast. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing Credible reports of political and extrajudicial killings by government authorities continued, although accurate figures were unavailable. The Human Rights Foundation (HRF) Documentation Center reported a number of deaths of detainees under suspicious circumstances, many as an apparent result of torture. There were at least 12 deaths in detention during the year, according to human rights organizations and press reports. In March trade unionist Suleyman Yeter died while in custody at the Istanbul security directorate political police center. According to the HRF, the official autopsy report states that he died "because of pressure on the neck" and that there were bone fractures and bruises. Yeter was a plaintiff in an ongoing trial of eight police officers who allegedly had tortured and raped detainees in 1997. In August two Van police officers allegedly kicked a 14-year-old street vendor to death; the autopsy revealed swelling around the child's brain and liver consistent with battery. No court case has been opened against the officers. Other cases in which security forces apparently committed extrajudicial killings include the death of an alleged narcotics trafficker under suspicious circumstances while in detention in Istanbul in September; the death in March, allegedly from torture, of villager Salih Karaaslan, near Sirnak; the alleged torture death of Alpaslan Yelden in Izmir in July, for which a police inspector was suspended pending investigation (and another inspector who testified in the case had been under suspension for a previous torture violation); and the death of a 16-year-old ordinary male prisoner, whose relatives said had resisted rape by prison guards. More than a dozen civilians were shot to death either after not heeding a "stop warning" during arrest or commission of a crime or in accidental shootings by police, Jandarma, and in four cases by the military. More than 40 persons--mainly children or military personnel--were killed by mines in the southeast. The courts undertook investigations of most alleged extrajudicial killings; only a few yielded concrete results. Human rights monitors credibly reported that government forces used excessive force, sometimes resulting in deaths, during some raids on criminals or alleged terrorist and militant safe houses. A house raid in August in Izmir left three persons dead. In October the police in Adana entered the wrong apartment during a raid and shot occupant Murat Bektas to death in front of his wife and son. The police were unable to substantiate their charge that the man was armed. In January the Constitutional Court annulled for a year part of the 1996 Provincial Authority law allowing security officers to "fire directly and without hesitation" at persons who ignore a warning to stop. The Court's judgment requires that a new provision be passed within a year. In September Jandarma killed 10 prisoners and seriously injured many others in Ankara's Central Prison during a clash following attempts by prison administrators to search and transfer some prisoners (see Section 1.c.). In the 12 deaths in detention reported by human rights organizations and media reports during the year, 3 cases led to arrests or trials of police or other law enforcement personnel. The number of arrests and prosecutions in such cases remained low compared to the incidents of deaths in detention, and convictions remained rare. Punishments, when handed down, were generally minimal. Jurisdictional questions, efforts by the police leadership to protect officers, prosecutors' failure to investigate and bring charges, and the failure of courts to hand down appropriate sentences were all obstacles to resolving the problem of apparent security force impunity for such deaths. In cases of extrajudicial killings by police, Jandarma or prison guards, at least 30 trials were begun during the year or continued from previous years, some relating to events back to 1991. No investigation has been opened into the 1998 death in custody of 18-year-old HADEP member Hamit Cakar, who allegedly was beaten to death by Diyarbakir police during a raid on HADEP offices. An initial autopsy noted bruises on Cakar's body and blood in his lungs, consistent with battery. In January seven police officers charged in the 1998 death of an accused burglar in police custody in Gaziantep were released on bail and continue on active duty. According to the Turkish National Police (TNP), no one is to be prosecuted in the case of the death in custody in 1997 of university student Burhanett Akdogu. According to the TNP, Akdogu committed suicide. Two State Security Court prosecutors agreed and found in June that there was no need for prosecution. In May the Afyon Penal Court convicted six policemen and sentenced them to 71/2 years' imprisonment for "unintentional murder/manslaughter" in the case of journalist Metin Goktepe, who was killed in 1996. It acquitted five others. The Goktepe family appealed the verdict and is pursuing a civil court case. Before the final trial session, families and friends of Goktepe attempted an unauthorized march to the court. The police blocked the demonstration, and rocks were thrown at the police, who then used their batons to drive the crowds back to their buses. Several persons were hurt, including Goktepe's mother and three police officers. Goktepe, a correspondent for the left-wing newspaper, Evrensel, died from wounds inflicted while in detention in Istanbul in 1996. Police initially denied that he was detained, then later said that he died from a fall. Following large public demonstrations and parliamentary criticism over the circumstances of his death, an investigation led to the arrest of 48 officers. In 1997 the courts decided to try separately 11 of the police officers for premeditated murder; 5 were convicted of manslaughter in 1998, while the remaining 6 were acquitted. However, the Court of Appeals subsequently overturned both the convictions and the acquittals and sent the case back to the Afyon court. The other 37 officers, who were charged with excessive use of force in controlling the demonstration, were acquitted due to lack of evidence, because the court could not determine which police officers may have beaten detainees and which did not. The detainees have asked for an appeal, but no court date has been set. The trial of 29 Jandarma soldiers and 36 antiterror police officers charged with manslaughter in the 1996 beating deaths of 10 prisoners while quelling a prison disturbance in Diyarbakir continued throughout the year. A separate case against prison officials exists; for this case, indictments (for excessive use of force) were based only on identifications by wounded prisoners of who injured them. Two-thirds of the indictments were dismissed, since the slain prisoners could not identify their own killers. The trial continued of 20 police officers who used lethal force during 1995 incidents that led to the deaths of 19 people in Gazi, Istanbul; one police officer is under arrest in the case. The trial continued in Istanbul of policeman Abdullah Bozkurt for the 1994 shooting and killing of Vedat Han Gulsenoglu. A suspect was arrested in 1998 for the 1993 killing of journalist Ugur Mumcu. The suspect's court case is proceeding. In the 1995 killing of Sinan Demirtas, one police officer was convicted and sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment and seven others were acquitted in November 1998. There were no developments in the 1994 killing of Faik Candan and the 1992 killing of Yucel Ozen. In June six Aydin police officers, including the deputy security director and the antiterrorism department director, were convicted of torturing student Baki Erdogan to death in police custody in 1993, given 51/2-year sentences, and barred from public service for life. The ruling came during a retrial of the case, after an appellate court in December 1998 had overturned the original convictions. In December the Istanbul Penal Court found five antiterror police guilty of the death of five persons during a 1993 raid on a coffee house. The court sentenced them to death but then used a variety of provisions of the Penal Code to reduce the sentence to 3 years, 10 months, and 20 days in prison. The European Court of Human Rights in May found that Turkey had violated the right to life of an individual who was killed in a 1990 security force operation in Siirt province and that the state had failed to undertake an effective investigation of the case. In July the Court also found that Turkey had violated an individual's right to life and right to an effective remedy by failing to conduct an effective investigation into his 1993 murder but did not conclude that the man had been killed by security forces or with their connivance. In the southeast, mystery killings, especially politically motivated killings in which the assailant's identity is unknown, decreased significantly since 1995 and remained at relatively low levels during 1999; exact statistics are unavailable. There were no reported mystery killings of high-profile, pro-Kurdish figures in the southeast, and few reported killings of pro-Kurdish politicians, journalists, or lawyers. The HRA reports a nationwide total of 212 unsolved killings, including killings for apolitical reasons or attributed to terrorism. In August two Sirnak village guards were found with multiple bullet wounds, cigarette burns, and broken necks and limbs. The victims' relatives said that the bodies were found in an area where security forces were operating and alleged that the two were killed on orders of the local Jandarma. In September a HADEP official in Adana was shot and killed by two unidentified assailants; while the motive was unclear, HADEP does not believe that there is a political connection. In October a prominent secular journalist was killed by a bomb in front of his home in Ankara, presumably by a terrorist organization. The PKK continued to commit politically motivated killings, primarily in rural southeast Anatolia. Victims included soldiers, state officials such as Jandarma, state-paid paramilitary village guards and family members, young villagers who refused to be recruited, and PKK guerrillas-turned-informants. According to the Government, during the year 220 security officials and 118 civilians died in terrorist incidents, and 961 PKK members were killed by security forces (see Section 1.g.). These figures show a decline from 1998, when 243 soldiers and Jandarma, 10 police officers, 114 village guards, and 132 civilians were killed. The PKK has not murdered any teachers since 1996. Bomb attacks attributed to the PKK in the first half of the year took the lives of dozens of persons; one such attack occurred in a crowded shopping area in Istanbul in March and killed 13 civilians. Although there was a brief resurgence of PKK terrorist acts following the June sentencing of PKK leader Ocalan to death, a lower rate of PKK terrorist acts was recorded during the summer and fall than in the previous year. Turkish Hizbullah, an Islamist terrorist group (not related to Lebanese Hizballah), continued to target civilians in the southeast and may be responsible for many mystery killings, including prominent Islamist feminist Konca Kuris. The Government attributed 17 murders during the year to Hizbullah. Some human rights monitors in the southeast accused the Government of arming and supporting the group in the 1980's to target the PKK and its sympathizers. It now generally is believed that Hizbullah has operated autonomously since the mid-1990's. Far-left armed groups, such as Revolutionary Left (Dev Sol/DHKP-C) and the Turkish Workers and Peasants' Liberation Army (TIKKO), continued to commit acts of terrorism. In June two DHKP-C militants were killed in a shoot-out with police while attempting to launch a rocket attack in Istanbul. One of the militants was identified as being responsible for previous attacks and several police deaths. b. Disappearance Accurate statistics on the disappearance of those previously under detention, or seen being taken into custody by security forces or law enforcement officials, are hard to confirm. However, the HRF notes that the number of such disappearances increased slightly to 36 in 1999, compared with 29 in 1998 and 66 in 1997. In September Aydin Esmer disappeared as he was returning to his home in Kulp, Diyarbakir province, from Kizilagac village in Mus province, according to Amnesty International (AI). AI noted that a military operation took place in the area the same day. Esmer had been detained and allegedly tortured at the Kulp Jandarma station several times since 1993. In November Omer Cinar disappeared after leaving his workplace in the Gunesli district of Istanbul; the authorities told his family that he was not in custody, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW). There have been no developments in the 1998 disappearances from Izmir of editors Neslihan Uslu, Hasan Aydogan, Metin Andac, and Mehmet Mandal. Neither the 1997 disappearances of Ilyas Eren and 73-year-old Fikri Ozgen, allegedly taken into custody by plainclothes police, nor the 1996 case in which at least five bodies were found near Baharli, were resolved. However, according to the HRA, Burhan Aktas, who disappeared in 1997, was determined to be living in Germany. The European Court of Human Rights in July ruled against Turkey in the case of Ahmet Cakici, who disappeared in 1993 after being taken into custody by security forces and tortured during an unacknowledged detention. The Court found that Turkey had violated Cakici's right to life, subjected him to torture, and deprived him of his rights to liberty and to an effective remedy, the latter by failing to conduct an effective investigation. In the face of persistent police harassment and abuse, the "Saturday Mothers" stopped meeting publicly in March (see Section 2.b.). The group, primarily women, had gathered for several years to protest the disappearance of their relatives. The Government made efforts to investigate and explain some reported cases of disappearance. The Ministry of Interior operates the Bureau for the Investigation of Missing Persons, which is open 24 hours a day. During the year 59 applications were filed seeking information on missing persons. Of these, seven persons were located, an additional two were determined to be in prison, and two were found dead. Most families of persons who disappeared hold the Government and security forces responsible and consequently avoid contact with the government office. AI criticizes the Bureau's findings for falling short of the thorough and impartial investigations required in accordance with international standards. The Ankara police operate a telephone number through which the public can obtain information about detainees, gun registration, and other police-related matters. The U.N. Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances, reporting on its September 1998 visit, noted that the total number of disappearance cases was relatively low, and had decreased since 1994. The report cautioned that its assessment did not exclude the possibility of security force involvement, and it urged the Government to improve the practices of its security forces. The report noted that most disappearances followed arrests in homes and detentions that were denied by authorities and that some disappearances occurred during raids conducted by Jandarma or village guards. The report recommended that the Government fully implement measures to address promptly allegations concerning disappearances, reduce the number of disappearances, and eliminate impunity. In particular it recommended amending regulations concerning pretrial and incommunicado detention in cases referred to the State Security Courts in order to ensure the right of all detainees to have prompt access to their families and lawyers. The PKK has made a practice of kidnaping young men or threatening their families as part of its recruiting effort. These activities and abductions by PKK terrorists of local villagers and state officials were becoming less frequent as the PKK's capabilities in the southeast were reduced by ongoing government military pressure and calls by its captured leader Ocalan for the PKK to withdraw from its former operating areas in Turkey. c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment The Constitution prohibits torture; however, the security forces continue to torture, beat, and otherwise abuse persons regularly. Despite the Government's cooperation with unscheduled foreign inspection teams, public pledges by successive governments to end the practice, and new government initiatives designed to address the problem, torture continues to be widespread. Human rights attorneys and physicians who treat victims of torture say that most persons detained for or suspected of political crimes usually suffer some torture at the hands of police and Jandarma during periods of incommunicado detention before they are brought before a court; ordinary criminal suspects also report frequent torture and mistreatment by police. The HRF estimates the number of credible applications for torture at its five national treatment centers to be approximately 700 in 1999, compared with 673 in 1998. They believe that these numbers underrepresent the actual number of persons tortured while in detention or prison. Human rights advocates believe that thousands of detainees were tortured during the year in the southeast, where the problem is particularly serious, but that only 5 to 20 percent report torture because they fear retaliation or believe that complaints are futile. Although the percentage of detainees subjected to torture remained about the same as in 1998, several advocates reported a reduction in the number of torture victims in the southeast during the year. They attribute the decrease to fewer detentions; reduced PKK violence, which has eased treatment by security officials; better-educated security officers; and increased concern about the problem from many sources. The reductions do not appear to be uniform throughout the region. Human rights monitors report no improvement in some provinces, while others note a decrease around cities but not in more rural areas of the province. All report that torture remains widespread in the southeast. Human rights monitors report that because the arresting officer is responsible for interrogating the suspect, some officers may resort to torture to obtain a confession that would justify the arrest. They say that police who resort to such practices generally beat detainees for ordinary crimes who do not confess and stop if they cannot get a confession. However, when beatings of suspects detained under the Anti-Terror Law do not produce information and confessions, interrogators shift to electric shock, cold water from high-pressure hoses, and other methods. Observers say that security officials often use the torture of political detainees simply to express anger and to intimidate the detainees. Human rights monitors say that security officials increasingly use methods that do not leave physical traces, such as beating with weighted bags instead of clubs or fists. Commonly employed methods of torture reported by the HRF's treatment centers include: Systematic beatings; stripping and blindfolding; exposure to extreme cold or high-pressure cold water hoses; electric shocks; beatings on the soles of the feet (falaka) and genitalia; hanging by the arms; food and sleep deprivation; heavy weights hung on the body; water dripped onto the head; burns; hanging sandbags on the neck; near-suffocation by placing bags over the head; vaginal and anal rape with truncheons and, in some instances, gun barrels; squeezing and twisting of testicles; and other forms of sexual abuse. In some cases, multiple torture methods (e.g., hanging and electric shocks) are employed at the same time. Female detainees often face sexual humiliation and, less frequently, more severe forms of sexual torture. After being forced to strip in front of male security officers, female detainees often are touched, insulted, and threatened with rape. Other methods used are forced prolonged standing, isolation, loud music, witnessing or hearing torture, being driven to the countryside for a mock execution, threats to detainees or their family members, and insults. The U.N. Special Rapporteur for Torture conducted investigations at the invitation of the Government in late 1998. He reported that while torture was practiced systematically and on a widespread scale through the mid-1990's, there were "notable improvements" since 1997. These improvements were due in his opinion to shorter periods of incommunicado detention and less brutal torture methods used in some places, such as less use of falaka, electric shocks, and rape, possibly connected with shorter periods of detention in 1997 and 1998. However, he noted that torture and abuse still are practiced by law enforcement officials--pervasively in numerous places around the country--but that the Government was committed to improving its record and bringing its law enforcement and administration of justice up to international standards. He found that long periods of incommunicado detention and a climate of impunity among law enforcement officials--two elements under the Government's control--continued to contribute to the use of torture. Allegations of torture throughout the country continued during the year, but mostly in the southeast. In October Dr. Zeki Uzun, a gynecologist who volunteers with the HRF Izmir Treatment and Rehabilitation Center, was taken into custody during a raid on his private clinic by antiterror police. Uzun allegedly was subjected to beatings, near suffocation, death threats, and other methods of torture during his 6 days in custody. Although the Medical Association provided an alternative medical report establishing that torture was inflicted on Uzun, the official medical report provided after his detention stated that he was not subjected to torture. According to the HRF, the official medical report was given to Uzun without a medical examination. Uzun is accused of supporting and providing treatment to members of terrorist organizations. In public statements, the HRF and the Izmir Chamber of Doctors asserted that Uzun's reports documenting torture were the reason for his arrest and torture. They also said that the police inspected and took patient records from his office. In October nine persons, two under the age of 18, were detained for "distributing aid material without permission" in the region devastated by the recent earthquake and allegedly tortured. In June many of approximately 50 villagers detained by Jandarma in Kahraman Maras province said that they were tortured, severely beaten, forced to eat human excrement, suspended by their arms tied behind their backs, and sprayed with pressurized water, according to AI. Charges were filed against 32 of the villagers for supporting the PKK and 1 was charged with PKK membership; 17 were released. In Sirnak 27 persons stated that they were tortured in July while detained after house raids; the doctor who substantiated their claims allegedly was threatened by Jandarma to give a report of "good health", even though some of the detainees had broken arms. Cevat Soysal, a high-ranking member of the PKK, was captured in July in Moldova. He claimed that he was subjected to electric shock, forced to lie naked on ice, sprayed with cold pressurized water, and deprived of sleep when brought to Turkey; he is seeking redress at the European Court of Human Rights. HADEP official Mazaffer Cinar was interrogated in incommunicado detention for 8 days at Siirt police headquarters on suspicion of supporting the PKK. According to HRW, he said that he was beaten, his testicles were pulled, he was suspended by his arms, he was hosed with cold pressurized water, and his wife was threatened with rape. Filiz Celik, charged with being a member of the PKK, reportedly was tortured in detention while pregnant; in July her baby was born dead in an Istanbul prison. In August 22-year-old Medine Oncel jumped out of a window rather than be taken into detention again by the antiterror police; her family claims that she was severely beaten and sexually abused during her 10-day stay at a detention center in November 1998. Oncel, along with numerous members of HADEP, was detained for participating in a hunger strike in support of Ocalan. Government officials admit that torture occurs, but deny that it is systematic. The Ecevit Government, which took office in June, made preventing acts of torture a priority. In August Parliament passed legislation lengthening sentences for those convicted of torture from 5 to a maximum of 8 years; however, the measure did not increase minimum sentences. The Government in August adopted a program of seminars by NGO's and government institutions on human rights. The program targets all civil servants with law enforcement responsibilities, as well as social workers and primary and secondary school students. The Government was in regular dialog with the Council of Europe's Committee for the Prevention of Torture (CPT) and accepted unannounced visits by the CPT, most recently in February when it visited PKK leader Ocalan in prison. Regulations on detention and arrest procedures introduced in October 1998 were supplemented by a June directive from Prime Minister Ecevit against torture, which reminded security forces of the new code and called for public prosecutors to make unscheduled inspections of places of detention. The Prime Minister asked for reports every 3 months on this process; these reports are not public. According to the Government, prosecutors have made more than a thousand visits to detention sites, resulting in investigations against 14 security officers and the opening of court cases against 6 of them. Provincial prosecutors began unannounced inspections of police stations in October. Although some provincial authorities said that the inspections uncovered no deficiencies, others admitted that they led to improvements in practices in some provinces. Some human rights observers question prosecutors' ability to influence police practices. Private attorneys and human rights monitors report uneven implementation of 1997 reforms granting immediate access by attorneys to those arrested for common crimes and access after 4 days of detention for those detained under the Anti-Terror Law. No immediate access to an attorney is provided for under the law for persons whose cases fall under the jurisdiction of the State Security Courts, such as persons charged with drug trafficking, smuggling, and crimes under the Anti-Terror law. The lack of early access to an attorney is a major factor in the occurrence of torture by police and security forces. State-employed doctors give all medical exams for detainees. The Government maintains that medical examinations occur once during detention and a second time before either arraignment or release. However, the examinations generally are exceedingly brief and informal, often lasting less than a minute. In some cases doctors were brought reports to sign, but no examinees. Former detainees assert that some medical examinations take place too long after the event to reveal any definitive evidence of torture. Lawyers contend that medical reports--their only basis for filing a claim of torture--are not placed regularly in prisoners' files. Citing security reasons, members of security and police forces often stay in the examination room when physicians are examining detainees, resulting in the intimidation of both the detainee and the physician. According to the Medical Association and other human rights observers, the presence of a security officer--at times the one allegedly responsible for torture--can lead physicians to refrain from examining detainees, perform cursory examinations and not report findings, or report physical findings but not draw reasonable medical inferences that torture occurred. In one case during the year the courts accepted alternative medical reports from private doctors that contradicted official claims that torture did not occur. New legislation passed in August increased the jail sentences and fines for medical personnel who falsify reports to hide torture, those who knowingly use such reports, and those who coerce doctors into making them. The heaviest penalties are for those who supply false reports for money. In practice there are few such prosecutions. In June the Supreme Honor Board of the Medical Doctors Union suspended for a month the licenses of six doctors from the Tekirdag region near Istanbul after finding that they had falsified reports to conceal evidence of torture and allowed police officers to be present during examinations. In 1998 the nongovernmental Medical Association suspended the license of Dr. Nur Birgen, a government-employed forensic expert, for twice falsifying medical reports to hide evidence of torture. When another doctor appealed to Dr. Birgen's state employer to implement the suspension, the prosecutors opened a case against him for insulting Dr. Birgen. Dr. Cumhur Akpinar was acquitted in December of charges, filed in January, that he aided an illegal armed organization by preparing exaggerated forensic reports. In March Dr. Eda Guven was acquitted of abuse of duty after issuing medical reports documenting injuries sustained by two detainees interrogated in 1997 by Jandarma in Aydin province; her acquittal was upheld by the Court of Appeals in May. The investigation, prosecution, and punishment of members of the security forces for torture or other mistreatment is rare. According to the U.N. Special Rapporteur for Torture, very few allegations lead to prosecution, and few prosecutions lead to conviction. He reported that in Istanbul, for example, from 1996 to 1998 the chief public prosecutor brought 245 cases of torture or mistreatment by security forces, which resulted in only 15 convictions, with the longest sentence being 3 years. Nationally, between 1995 and 1997, 313 police officers were prosecuted for torture; as of the end of 1998 there were no convictions, over half had been released, and the other cases were pending. Accused officers usually remain on duty pending a decision, which can take years. According to the Government, judicial action taken during the year against police charged with torture or mistreatment resulted in 34 convictions, 164 acquittals, and 48 ongoing prosecutions. Administrative decisions determined that no trial was needed in 146 other cases and that no cases needed to be opened against 55 other officers accused of abuse. During the year 708 police also were given administrative punishments, such as suspensions, for torture or mistreatment. In addition 11 Jandarma were prosecuted during the year, resulting in 3 convictions, 6 acquittals, and 2 ongoing trials. During the past 5 years, two military personnel have been prosecuted for torture; one was acquitted, and the trial of the other individual continued. The failure to enforce domestic and international bans on torture fosters a climate of official impunity that encourages the systematic abuse of detainees. Detainees state that prosecutors ignore their claims of abuse during interrogation; prosecutors often belittle such claims or contend that detainees injure themselves to accuse falsely the security forces. Legal, administrative, and bureaucratic barriers impede prosecutions and contribute to the low number of convictions for torture. The Government in December replaced an Ottoman-era civil servant prosecution law, which was widely viewed as an extrajudicial obstacle to prosecuting security officials for the abuse of power because it required prosecutors to obtain permission from special provincial administrative boards before initiating prosecutions against any public employee for actions while carrying out official duties. The boards were slow, dispersed accountability, and were perceived as not sufficiently transparent. The new law now authorizes prosecutors to begin collecting evidence immediately to substantiate claims of torture by security officials. It also establishes a 30-day deadline, with a possible 15-day extension, for a civil servant's supervisor to decide whether that employee can be prosecuted (or whether the employee is to be disciplined otherwise). However, the new law still protects civil servants, including police or prison guards, from direct prosecution unless their superiors grant permission to investigate them. This provision has been widely criticized. Many jurists, including the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Appeals, and human rights observers said that the new law still falls short of the needed reform. The new law also allows prosecutors to open investigations against persons suspected of falsely accusing a civil servant based on "enmity, hatred or slandering." This provision was used in December against a defense lawyer who stated that a medical record confirmed that security officials tortured his client (see Section 4). Under the Criminal Procedures Law, prosecutors may initiate investigations of police or Jandarma officers suspected of torturing or mistreating suspects. In cases where township security directors or Jandarma commanders are accused of torture, the prosecutor must obtain permission to initiate an investigation from the Ministry of Justice, because these officials are deemed to have a status equal to that of judges. Finally, in the state of emergency regions, any lawsuit directed at government authorities must be approved by the state of emergency governor. Approval is rare. In December the Iskenderun, Hatay, chief public prosecutor, citing lack of evidence, dropped charges against two Iskenderun antiterror police accused of sexually harassing, raping with a truncheon, and torturing two female high school students while they were in police custody in March. There were several medical reports issued in the highly publicized case, but only an informal medical assessment by two doctors indicated torture. The girls' attorneys said that they would appeal the decision. In Elazig the public prosecutor decided against indicting 30 soldiers and warders for allegedly torturing a prisoner in 1998. The appeal by police officers of their 1-year suspended sentences for torturing Songul Yildiz in 1997 continues in Istanbul. However, her conviction on charges of PKK membership was overturned by the Court of Appeals; the Istanbul SSC is retrying her case. In the case of Hatun Temizalp, who alleged in a State Security Court that she was tortured in detention in 1997, the TNP antiterror department said that administrative investigations of the police found no cause for bringing charges. The Government provided additional information on the case of then 21/2-year-old Azat Tokmak, who the Istanbul Chamber of Doctors certified in April 1998 was tortured in 1996. The Fatih prosecutor's office, citing a medical report that found no indication of mistreatment when Azat was brought to an Istanbul nursery, decided in July 1998 that there was not sufficient evidence to pursue the case. A case began in April against 12 policemen accused of torturing "peace train" detainees in 1997 (see Section 4). The following torture cases remained unresolved. In June the Court of Appeals General Council overturned the second acquittal verdict of 10 policemen, including one police chief, charged with torturing 14 teenagers in Manisa in 1995; they based this decision on another Court of Appeals decision. The appellate court again found that the students had exhibited evidence of physical and psychological torture while under detention. In November the Court of Appeals Chief Prosecutor turned down the police officers' application for a review of that judgment, and the Supreme Court sent the case back for retrial. The Manisa court in December held a preliminary hearing in the retrial, but postponed the main hearing until February 2000 in order to record the testimonies of the police officers, who remain on active duty. Responding to a written question from Parliament, the Interior Minister in the summer defended the police officers accused in the case and said that the investigation at the time showed that they were "flawless." At the same time, the students' own case continues in Izmir, after the Court of Appeals overturned the January 1997 convictions of 10 of the students on charges of belonging to an illegal leftist organization; 4 other students originally were acquitted. The Medical Doctor's Union Central Council Supreme Honorary Board suspended 10 doctors from practicing for from 3 to 6 months, on the grounds that they had provided false medical reports on the Manisa victims. In February the Court of Appeals overturned the conviction and life sentence of Gulderen Baran who, along with four other individuals, was arrested in 1995 in Istanbul on charges of membership in a terrorist organization. Baran sustained serious physical damage to her arms while in police custody, and four police officers subsequently were charged for mistreatment. Two police officers were sentenced in 1997 to 10 months in prison and a 2-month ban from public service. There were no known developments in the cases of the police officers. There were no developments in the cases of Kelekcier, Altinbas, Uzuner, and Kartal. Police regularly harass, beat, and abuse demonstrators (see Section 2.b.). Police also harass, beat, and abuse journalists (see Section 2.a.). Prison conditions remain poor. With some exceptions (i.e., for high-profile political prisoners, or those with gang connections) prisons remain plagued by overcrowding, underfunding, and very poor administration. Despite the existence of separate juvenile facilities, juveniles and adults sometimes are incarcerated together, and most prisons lack adequate medical care for routine treatment or even medical emergencies. Families often must supplement the poor quality food. Prisons are run on the ward system. In some cases, prisoners with similar ideological views are incarcerated together and indoctrinate and punish their own, resulting in gang and terrorist group domination of entire wards. Past efforts to introduce a restrictive cell system were criticized by prisoners, attorneys, and human rights groups alike, who view the ward system as a more humane form of incarceration. In September Jandarma killed 10 prisoners and seriously injured many others in Ankara's Central Prison during a clash following attempts by the administration to search and transfer some prisoners from a ward run by Dev-Sol and TIKKO adherents. Prisoners throughout the country briefly protested, holding hostages and refusing to be counted. Human rights lawyers alleged that forensic reports show that prisoners were shot at close range. In December inmates and security forces violently clashed in Metris Prison in Istanbul, after Jandarma tried to search and transfer some members of the Islamic Great East Raiders Front to another prison. Throughout the year, many small-scale hunger strikes broke out to protest prison conditions and poor treatment by guards at many institutions. Human rights observers estimate that at any given time, at least one-quarter of those in prison are awaiting trial or the outcome of their trial. The Parliament's Human Rights Commission completed a thorough review in 1998 of prison conditions throughout the country; however, before the report could be published the Commission's composition changed after the April elections. The Commission is reviewing its report, providing updated, comparative data, and plans to present it to Parliament. The Government permits prison visits by international organizations, such as the European Committee to Prevent Torture and the U.N. Special Rapporteur on Torture, but only rarely allows such visits by members of local NGO's, except in their capacity as lawyers. It denied permission to some officials of foreign governments to visit prisons during the year. d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile Arbitrary arrest and detention continued to be problems. To take a person into custody, a prosecutor must issue a detention order, except when suspects are caught committing a crime. The maximum detention period for those charged with individual common crimes is 24 hours, which may be extended by a judge to a maximum of 7 days; this period is longer for groups. In the state of emergency area, the use of a prosecutor's detention order is in practice extremely rare. Under the Criminal Code, those detained for individual common crimes are entitled to immediate access to an attorney and may meet and confer with an attorney at any time. In practice legal experts assert that the authorities do not always respect these provisions, and that most citizens do not exercise this right, either because they are unaware of it, or because they fear possibly antagonizing the authorities. The court consistently provides attorneys only to minors or deaf-mutes who cannot represent themselves. By law a detainee's next of kin must be notified as soon as possible after arrest. In criminal and civil cases this requirement is observed. In state security cases, the pretrial detention period without charge is longer, and the law provides for no immediate access by an attorney. The lack of early access by an attorney is a major factor in the continued use of torture by security forces. Persons detained for individual crimes under the Anti-Terror Law must be brought before a judge within 48 hours. Those charged with crimes of a collective, political, or conspiratorial nature may be detained for an initial period of 48 hours, extended for up to 4 days at a prosecutor's discretion and, with a judge's nearly automatic permission, for up to 7 days in most of the country and up to 10 days in the southeastern provinces under the state of emergency. Attorneys are allowed access only after the first 4 days. Private attorneys and human rights monitors reported uneven implementation of these regulations, especially attorney access. AI asserts that lawyers rarely are permitted adequate access to their clients, even after the fourth day, although they may be allowed to exchange a few words during a brief interview in the presence of security officers. According to the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights, the secretive nature of arrests and detentions often leaves the detainee's lawyer and family members with no information about the detention, and police often refuse to disclose the place of detention or even the fact that the detainee is being held. The October 1998 regulations on detention and arrest procedures exempt the authorities from the obligation to inform relatives in the case of state security detentions. In addition legal limits on detention periods at times are circumvented by subjecting a detainee to successive charges or falsifying detention records. The police maintain 24-hour detention monitoring bureaus that are required to record detentions on computers, but AI reports an increase in unregistered detentions since 1997. According to the HRA, in the state of emergency region the police detain, beat, and then release groups after the maximum period of detention in order to intimidate them. Once formally charged by the prosecutor, a detainee is arraigned by a judge and allowed to retain a lawyer. After arraignment the judge may release the accused upon receipt of an appropriate assurance, such as bail, or order him detained if the court determines that he is likely to flee the jurisdiction or destroy evidence. The decision concerning early access to counsel in such cases is left to the public prosecutor, who often denies access on the grounds that it would prejudice an ongoing investigation. Although the Constitution specifies the right of detainees to request speedy arraignment and trial, judges have ordered that some suspects be detained indefinitely, sometimes for years. Many such cases involve persons accused of violent crimes, but there are cases of those accused of nonviolent political crimes being kept in custody until the conclusion of their trials. On several occasions, the police beat and detained peaceful demonstrators (see Sections 1.c. and 2.b.). The police also beat and detained journalists (see Sections 1.c. and 2.a.) and members of political parties (see Section 3). During a September protest over prison conditions, officers beat the chair of Istanbul's HRA branch (see Section 4). Authorities detained 47 HADEP members who led a hunger strike after Ocalan's November 1998 flight from Syria. Twenty men were detained in October when they joined women in a peaceful protest over the rule banning head coverings at universities (see Section 2.c.). During the November summit of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in Istanbul, police detained for several hours at least five young children and held them in police headquarters in contravention of the law, which requires that all detained children be transferred immediately to the prosecutor's office. The Government does not use forced external exile. It retains the authority to authorize internal exile (see Section 2.d.). e. Denial of Fair Public Trial The Constitution provides for an independent judiciary, and in practice the general law courts generally act independently of the executive and legislative branches; however, various officials acknowledge the need for legislative changes to strengthen the judiciary's independence. The Constitution prohibits state authorities from issuing orders or recommendations concerning the exercise of judicial power; however, in practice the Government and National Security Council periodically issue announcements or directives about threats to the State, which could be interpreted as instructions to the judiciary. The High Council of Judges and Prosecutors, which is appointed by the President and includes the Minister of Justice, selects judges and prosecutors for the higher courts and is responsible for oversight of those in the lower courts. Some observers assert that the composition of the High Council undermines the independence of the judiciary, despite the Constitutional provision for security of tenure, because the High Council effectively controls the career paths of judges through appointments, transfers, promotions, and other matters, and its decisions are not subject to review. Various government and judicial officials during the year discussed the need to adopt legislative changes to strengthen the independence of the judiciary. The judicial system is composed of general law courts, military courts, the State Security Courts (SSC's), and a Constitutional Court, the nation's highest court. The High Court of Appeals hears appeals for criminal cases, including SSC's, while the Council of State hears appeals of administrative cases or those between government entities. Most cases are prosecuted in the general law courts, which include civil, administrative, and criminal courts. Public servants can be tried only after administrative approval from the governor or subgovernor, which are centrally appointed positions. The Constitutional Court examines the constitutionality of laws, decrees, and parliamentary procedural rules and hears cases involving the banning of political parties. If impeached, ministers and prime ministers would be tried in the Constitutional Court as well. However, the Court may not consider "decrees with the force of law" issued under a state of emergency, martial law, or in time of war. Military courts, with their own appeals system, hear cases involving military law, members of the armed forces, and civilians who are accused of impugning the honor of the armed forces or undermining compliance with the draft. The editor in chief of the radical Islamist newspaper Akit, Murat Balibey, who was sentenced in July 1998 by a military court to 14 months' imprisonment for "insulting the military" in a newspaper article, was released in September under the law allowing the suspension of sentences for journalists. SSC's sit in eight cities and try defendants accused of crimes such as terrorism, gang-related crimes, drug smuggling, membership in illegal organizations, and espousing or disseminating ideas prohibited by law, such as those "damaging the indivisible unity of the state." These courts may hold closed hearings and may admit testimony obtained during police interrogation in the absence of counsel. During the year, the SSC's dealt mainly with cases under the Anti-Terror Law and section 312 of the Criminal Code. Human rights observers cite prosecutions of leaders of the political Islamic movement, nonviolent political leaders associated with the Kurdish issue, and persons who criticize the Government's practices as evidence that the SSC's often serve a primarily political purpose. Until mid-1999, the SSC's were composed of panels of five members: Two civilian judges, one military judge, and two prosecutors. A 1998 ruling by the European Court of Human Rights found that the presence of a military justice on the SSC's was inconsistent with relevant European conventions. In June the Government amended the Constitution and passed legislation to replace the military judge with a civilian judge. These courts may hold closed hearings and may admit testimony obtained during police interrogation in the absence of counsel. SSC verdicts may be appealed only to a specialized department of the High Court of Appeals dealing with crimes against state security. In February the Government brought PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan to Turkey to stand trial for treason, as the creator of a separatist terrorist organization responsible for over 30,000 deaths. He stood trial in a special sitting of the Ankara State Security Court on the secure prison island of Imrali. Ocalan was held in incommunicado detention for 9 to 10 days before the trial. His lawyers were not allowed adequate access to private consultations with their client or to pertinent documents. They also complained that they were harassed and that police abused at least six of them after one court session, an allegation the police denied. The trial was the subject of unprecedented public attention, and foreign observers, including diplomats and some members of NGO's, were allowed to attend. Families of those killed by the PKK and their attorneys also attended. Ocalan was allowed to read uninterrupted and lengthy statements in his defense. In June Ocalan was sentenced to death. His sentence was upheld in November by the Court of Appeals, and the Court of Appeals chief prosecutor in December refused to reconsider it. Carrying out the death sentence still requires action and approval by the Justice Ministry, the Council of Ministers, Parliament, and the President. After the appellate court ruling in November, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) asked the Government to take all necessary steps to ensure that the death penalty is not carried out before the Court is able to complete its judicial processes; Ocalan's case is pending before the ECHR. The trial of 25 Diyarbakir lawyers charged in 1993 and 1994 for aiding and abetting the PKK, and in a few cases with membership in a terrorist organization, continued at the Diyarbakir SSC. The defendants, 16 of whom complained of torture and mistreatment while held in incommunicado detention after their arrests, are free pending trial. Human rights monitors believe that their prosecution is intended to punish them for representing clients unpopular with the Government and for calling attention to human rights violations in the southeast. The law gives prosecutors far-reaching authority to supervise the police during an investigation. Prosecutors complain that they have few resources to do so, and many have begun to call for "judicial police" who could help investigate and gather evidence. Human rights observers and Ministry of Justice officials note that problems can arise from the fact that the police report to the Interior Ministry, not to the courts. Defense lawyers do not have equal status with prosecutors. In State Security Courts and for other charges, such as insulting the President or "defaming Turkish citizenship," defense attorneys may be denied access to files that the state asserts deal with national intelligence or security matters. Attorneys defending controversial cases have been subject to spurious legal charges, such as accusations that they are couriers for clients who are alleged terrorists. Hasan Dogan, a respected Malatya attorney who frequently defends suspects in SSC cases, was acquitted in March of all 1997 charges by an informer that he was a member of the PKK or assisted the organization; however, the appeals court reversed his acquittal in December, and he awaits sentencing. Prosecutors are charged with determining which law has been broken and objectively presenting the facts to the court. There is no jury system; a judge or a panel of judges decides all cases. Trials for political crimes or torture frequently last for months or years, with one or two hearings scheduled each month. Proceedings against security officials often are delayed because officers do not submit promptly statements or attend trials. Illegally gathered evidence may be excluded by law. However, this rarely occurs and then only after a separate case determining the legality of the evidence is resolved. In practice a trial based on a confession allegedly coerced under torture may proceed and even conclude, before the court has established the merits of the torture allegations. By law the Bar Association must provide free counsel to indigents who make a request to the court, except for crimes falling under the scope of the SSC's. An Izmir Bar Association study showed that in practice, only a tiny percentage of defendants have lawyers. Bar associations in large cities, such as Istanbul, have attorneys on call 24 hours a day. Costs are borne by the Association. Defense lawyers generally have access to the public prosecutor's files only after arraignment. In law and in practice, the legal system does not discriminate against minorities. Legal proceedings are conducted solely in Turkish with some interpreting available; however, some defendants whose native language is not Turkish may be disadvantaged seriously. Turkey recognizes the jurisdiction of the European Court of Human Rights. In 1999 Turkey lost all 18 cases in which it was a party, most of which pertained to free expression crimes that occurred in the early 1990's, and was fined nearly $3 million (1.69 trillion lira). There is no reliable estimate of the number of political prisoners. The Government claims that alleged political prisoners are in fact security detainees, who were convicted of being members of, or assisting, the PKK or other terrorist organizations. f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home, or Correspondence The Constitution provides for the inviolability of a person's domicile and the privacy of correspondence and communication; however, at times the Government infringed on these rights. With some exceptions, government officials may enter a private residence or intercept or monitor private correspondence only after the issuance of a judicial warrant. These provisions generally are respected in practice outside the state of emergency region. If delay may cause harm to the case, prosecutors may authorize a search. Searches of private premises may not be carried out at night, unless the delay would be damaging to the case or the search is expected to result in the capture of a prisoner at large. Other exceptions include persons under special observation by the security directorate general, places anyone can enter at night, places where criminals gather, places where materials obtained through the commission of crimes are kept, gambling establishments, and brothels. A new law against gangs includes a provision allowing for wider legal wiretapping. The law states that a court order is needed to carry out a wiretap. However, in an emergency situation, a prosecutor can grant permission. The wiretap can last only 3 months, with two possible extensions of 3 months each. In the provinces under emergency rule, the regional state of emergency governor empowers security authorities to search without a warrant residences or the premises of political parties, businesses, associations, or other organizations. The Bar Association maintains that it is not constitutional for security authorities in these provinces to search, hold, or seize without warrant persons or documents. Six provinces remain under "adjacent province" status, which authorizes the Jandarma to retain security responsibility for municipalities as well as rural areas and grants the provincial governor several extraordinary powers. Due to the improved security situation, the use of roadblocks in the southeast decreased. With the diminution of PKK terrorism, the formerly widespread practice of evacuating villages to prevent their giving aid to the PKK decreased substantially, although some village evacuations continued (see Section 1.g.). Some elements of society complain that a ban on the wearing of religious head coverings in government offices, other state-run facilities, and universities interfered with citizens' religious observance (see Sections 2.b. and 2.c.). g. Use of Excessive Force and Violations of Humanitarian Law in Internal Conflicts Since 1984 the PKK has waged a violent terrorist insurgency in southeast Turkey, directed against both security forces and civilians, mainly Kurds whom the PKK accuses of cooperating with the state. The police, the Jandarma, village guards, and the armed forces in turn have waged an intense campaign to suppress PKK terrorism, targeting active PKK units as well as persons they believe support or sympathize with the PKK. In the process, both government forces and PKK terrorists committed human rights abuses against each other and against noncombatants. According to President Demirel's year-end address, since 1984, 25,139 PKK members, 5,882 security force members, and 5,424 civilians lost their lives in the fighting. In an effort to deny the PKK logistical support, the Jandarma during the year occasionally rationed food and other essentials in some rural areas in the emergency region. Security forces returned to evacuated villages and burned homes, to deny them to the PKK, and have shot livestock, burned forests and orchards, or denied villagers permission to harvest fields. With the waning of PKK activity in the southeast, security forces evacuated fewer villages than in previous years. The Government's stated purposes for the evacuations were to protect civilians or prevent PKK guerrillas from obtaining logistical support from the inhabitants. Villagers and other observers alleged that the security forces evacuated them for refusing to participate in the paramilitary village guard program. The exact number of persons forcibly displaced from villages in the southeast since 1984 is unknown. Human rights NGO's tend to attribute most rural-urban migration to evacuations, whereas some persons move to escape the violence or conflict-caused economic depression, or to pursue opportunities in western cities. Government statistics tend to minimize the number of persons who left against their will. Observers agree that 3,000 to 4,000 villages and hamlets have been depopulated. The Government reported that through 1999 the total number of those evacuated was 362,915 persons, from 3,236 villages and hamlets, of whom 26,481 have been resettled with government assistance in 176 villages and hamlets. Another 61,987 have applied to return. A figure given by a former Member of Parliament from the region--560,000--appears to be the most credible estimate of those forcibly evacuated. However, observers in the region estimate that the total number of displaced persons is approximately 800,000, and a few NGO's put the number as high as 2 million. A parliamentary committee investigated the situation in the southeast and concluded in 1998 that, among other things, the State was partly responsible for the displacements and that it had failed to adequately compensate villagers who had lost their homes and lands in the region. The European Court of Human Rights often ruled in favor of villagers who sued over forcible evacuations, and the Government continued to pay assessed damages. The major urban center of Diyarbakir has nearly tripled in size over 10 years, adding nearly 600,000 new residents. Regional officials report that flows of migrants nearly stopped during the year due to waning PKK activity in the countryside. Government programs to deal with and compensate the forcibly evacuated villagers remain inadequate, as is assistance to those who have resettled in urban areas. Many migrants continue to live in overcrowded, unhealthful conditions with little opportunity for employment. Local and provincial officials made some efforts to address the basic needs of migrants. In several provinces, officials provided looms for use by unemployed women. The Government then purchased the women's rugs for resale on the open market. The Government provides literacy, childcare, basic family health care, and vocational training classes for some displaced women. The Government noted that some displaced persons chose to resettle in urban areas and are receiving assistance there. There is a government-funded "emergency support program" to expedite resettlement in the southeast. The funds are used for rebuilding houses and roads, as well as for animal husbandry and beekeeping programs. Credible allegations were made that serious abuses by security forces during the course of operations against the PKK continued. The Government organizes, arms, and pays a civil defense force in the region known as the village guards. In principle local villagers' participation in this paramilitary militia is voluntary, but in practice they often have been caught between the two sides. If the villagers agree to serve, the PKK may target them and their villages. If the villagers refuse to participate, government security forces may forcibly evacuate their villages on security grounds or not allow them to return to their villages after evacuations. Village guards have a reputation for being the least trained and disciplined of the Government's security forces and have been accused repeatedly of drug trafficking, rape, corruption, theft, and human rights abuses. Inadequate oversight and compensation have contributed to this problem. There were credible allegations of Jandarma protecting village guards from prosecution for various crimes. In addition to the village guards, Jandarma and police "special teams" are viewed as those most responsible for abuses. The Government's state of emergency, renewed in Diyarbakir, Hakkari, Sirnak, Tunceli, and Van provinces for 4 months in November, imposes stringent security measures in those five southeastern provinces. The regional governor for the state of emergency may censor news, ban strikes or lockouts, and impose internal exile. The decree provides for doubling the sentences of those convicted of "cooperating with separatists." Informants and convicted persons who cooperate with the State may receive rewards and reduced sentences. Only limited judicial review of the state of emergency governor's administrative decisions is permitted. In August Parliament passed legislation allowing members of terrorist organizations (and criminal gangs) to apply over a 6-month period for amnesty or reductions in sentences, as long as they provide useful information that helps lead to the dissolution of the organization. The number of persons who applied for the amnesty is estimated to be at least 500, most of whom already were in prison, although exact figures are not available. According to press reports, many of the applicants have obtained reductions in their sentences or release. Although schools remained open in most urban centers in the southeast, rapid migration led to severe overcrowding of city schools and chronic teacher shortages. In contrast to the national average of 45 children per classroom, there are typically 60 to 90 children per classroom in eastern and southeastern provinces, and as many as 80 to 100 in Diyarbakir. In the state of emergency region, 450 schools have been closed, although none were closed during the year. Past PKK policies, such as murdering village teachers, exacerbated the situation (see Section 1.a.). Although the Government continues to build boarding schools in the region's larger towns, these new schools have not filled the gap. Despite a longstanding tradition of boarding schools in the rural areas of the country, some ethnic Kurdish leaders expressed concern that the Government constructed boarding schools, rather than rebuild local schools, in order to accelerate the process of Kurdish assimilation. Turkish ground forces with air support conducted several operations during the year in northern Iraq against the PKK. The Turkish Government maintained that it targeted only PKK fighters in northern Iraq and that it respected the right of civilians in these operations. The Kurdistan Democratic Party cooperated with the Turkish Government in shutting down PKK facilities in northern Iraq. Local observers in northern Iraq, including NGO and other foreign humanitarian workers, reported no incidents of collateral damage or civilian casualties from these operations. The PKK suffered severe setbacks during the year, especially following the arrest, forced return to Turkey, and trial of its leader Abdullah Ocalan, and his subsequent death sentence. After his arrest and incarceration in February, the PKK carried out repeated suicide bomb attacks throughout the country; these included a suicide bomb attack in Adana in July, which injured 17 persons, and an Istanbul department store bombing that killed 13 persons. PKK attacks against civilians, military, and law enforcement personnel in the southeast continued but declined in number. There was a lower rate of PKK terrorist acts during the summer and fall than in the previous year. The PKK claimed that it was withdrawing from the conflict and would take a nonviolent path to political change. The evidence was not conclusive that a PKK withdrawal from Turkey had occurred; reports indicated that while some PKK members heeded Ocalan's call for an end to the armed struggle and PKK withdrawal from Turkey, others did not. The authorities disputed that a meaningful withdrawal was underway. Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including: a. Freedom of Speech and Press The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and of the press; however, the Government continued to limit these freedoms. The Constitution leaves open the possibility of restrictions to these freedoms on the basis of national security-related considerations, and the Criminal Code provides penalties for those who "insult the President, the Parliament, and the Army." Numerous other provisions in various laws restrict freedom of expression to one degree or another: Those most frequently employed include Article 8 of the Anti-Terror Law (disseminating separatist propaganda) and Article 312 of the Criminal Code (incitement to racial or ethnic enmity). In addition prosecutors rely on Article 159 of the Criminal Code (concerning insults to Parliament, the army, Republic, or judiciary), Article 60 (insulting the Turkish Republic), Article 169 (aiding an illegal terrorist organization), the law to protect Ataturk (no. 5816), and Article 16 of the Press Law to limit freedom of expression. The new law enacted to counter criminal organizations includes an article that permits the prosecution of journalists for "promoting" the activities of criminal organizations, and the new civil servant prosecution law includes an article allowing prosecutions against those who falsely accuse public employees based on "enmity, hatred or slandering." While prosecutors bring dozens of such cases to court each year, judges dismiss many charges brought under these laws. Domestic and foreign periodicals that provide a broad spectrum of views and opinions, including intense criticism of the Government, are widely available. While overall readership of the local press is not large for a country of 65 million inhabitants, the newspaper business is extremely competitive. Electronic media reach nearly every adult, and their influence, particularly that of television, is correspondingly great. According to the Government's Directorate General of Press and Information, in addition to the state-owned Turkish Radio and Television Corporation, there are 230 local, 15 regional, and 20 national private television stations, and 1,044 local, 108 regional, and 36 national radio stations. Other television and radio stations broadcast without an official license. The increasing availability of satellite dishes and cable television allows access to foreign broadcasts, including several Turkish-language private channels. Internet use is growing and faces no government restrictions; in fact, some banned newspapers can be accessed freely on the Internet. Government censorship of foreign periodicals is very rare. In September the Government passed legislation suspending for 3 years the sentences of those convicted of freedom of expression crimes in the media, such as journalists, writers, and party officials who published articles. The Islamist opposition party Fazilet challenged the constitutionality of the law, because it did not apply to those who committed similar crimes through speech. Esber Yagmurdereli, for example, remained imprisoned because his conviction in 1998 was for a speech he gave at a 1991 HRA meeting. The law led to the release of over 25 persons, and the suspension of hundreds of trials. Charges are dropped if the journalist or writer does not commit the same crime again during the 3-year period; if a second offense is committed during this time, the suspension is revoked. Human rights advocates are concerned that the conditions for the suspension amount to censorship. Although the suspension of ongoing trials prevents new convictions, some journalists and writers objected to the fact that it also prevents possible acquittals, so they have no opportunity to clear their name or to fight bans imposed on their written work. The law makes it illegal for broadcasters to threaten the country's unity or national security and limits the private broadcast of television programs in languages other than Turkish. The High Board of Radio and Television (RTUK), created in 1994 to regulate private television and radio frequencies, monitors broadcasters and sanctions them if they are not in compliance with relevant laws. Parliament elects the RTUK members (divided between ruling and opposition parties) and provides its budget. Although nominally independent, the RTUK is subject to some political pressures. The RTUK penalizes private radio and television stations for the use of offensive language, libel, obscenity, instigating separatist propaganda, or broadcasting programs in Kurdish. Throughout the year, the RTUK penalized at least a dozen different television stations, usually by suspending their broadcasts for a day, for noncompliance with broadcast regulations. Channel 6, which criticized the Government's response to the devastating August 17 earthquake, was given a week's suspension on the grounds that its reports hurt confidence in, and fueled anger against, the State. This decision is under appeal, and the suspension had not yet occurred by year's end. RTUK decisions may be appealed to the provincial Administrative Court and then to the Council of State. The RTUK suspended a comparable number of radio broadcasters, for periods ranging from 1 day to 1 year, usually for violating laws prohibiting the broadcast of "terrorist organization declarations." The radio station FOREKS was banned from broadcasting for 30 days for relaying a May British Broadcasting Corporation program on Kurdish issues. Reporters Sans Frontieres reported that 2,378 days of suspension were imposed on broadcasters during the year. Despite the Government's restrictions, the media criticize government leaders and policies daily. Lively debates on human rights and government policies were stimulated by several events, including Constitutional Court President Sezer's call in March for lifting restrictions on freedom of expression, including on language rights; Appeal Court President Selcuk's observation in September that the Constitution enjoyed "almost zero" legitimacy and should be replaced; the implications of the February capture of Ocalan for resolving the Kurdish issue; the Government's response to the August earthquake; and the European Union's designation of Turkey as a candidate member in December. Nevertheless, persons who write or speak out on highly sensitive topics, such as the role of religion in politics and society, the role of the military, some Kurdish issues, or the PKK, risk prosecution. Government Decree 430 gives the Interior Ministry, upon the request of the state of emergency regional governor, the authority to ban distribution of any news viewed as misrepresenting events in the region. In the event that a government warning is not obeyed, the decree provides for a 10-day suspension of operations for a first offense and 30 days for subsequent offenses. This and other pressures, such as RTUK suspensions, led to the self-censorship of news reporting on some issues. Some journalists say that there was less self-censorship by reporters and editors on sensitive issues than in the previous year, and the nature of debate on such issues as the Kurdish question and changing the Constitution appeared to support this assessment. SSC prosecutors ordered the confiscation of numerous issues of leftist, Kurdish nationalist, and pro-PKK periodicals and banned several books on a range of topics. For example Nadire Mater's well-received book based on interviews of soldiers who fought in the southeast was banned in June. In September the Government began a trial against Mater and her publisher on charges that they insulted the military with their book. Prosecutors closed numerous journals or suspended their operations during the year. For example the Istanbul SSC stopped the printing of Ozgur Gelecek for a month in June and confiscated an edition of the Islamist paper Akit for "provoking enmity and hatred against the state" in September. The police frequently raid offices of small leftist publications. The leftwing newspaper Evrensel was banned in January, and the pro-Kurdish Ozgur Bakis was banned in April, within the state of emergency region, although it was available elsewhere in the country and via the Internet. Distributors of Evrensel and Ozgur Bakis outside the state of emergency region claim regular harassment and the confiscation of their newspapers by the police. In April the governor of Siirt province closed the local weekly Guney for printing material offensive to the dignity of the State. In a highly publicized ruling in May, the Istanbul State Security Court sentenced Cumhuriyet columnist Oral Calislar to 13 months in jail for disseminating separatist propaganda in a book he wrote based on previously published interviews of Ocalan and Kemal Burkey, head of the Socialist Party of Kurdistan. Calislar planned to appeal. His sentence was suspended under the September law suspending sentences. Andrew Finkel, a contributor to several Western media outlets and a former columnist for Sabah, was charged in June with "insulting the military" for a 1998 article he wrote for Sabah. The charge stemmed from one line that contrasted the army with an "army of occupation." Finkel's trial was suspended under the September law; Finkel publicly objected to being deprived of the opportunity to clear his name. An appellate court in December upheld the sentences against 9 persons, including some students, who in 1996 unfurled banners in Parliament saying, "No to Tuition." They were convicted of membership in an illegal organization and given sentences ranging from 10 months to 8 years. Journalists, including those from mainstream and Western media, were harassed periodically and subjected to police abuse while covering stories, particularly in the southeast. In February in Diyarbakir eight motorcycle police officers beat a cameraman for the mainstream NTV television station until he was unconscious. The police beat the cameraman and one other journalist with gun butts and ran over them with motorcycles. Earlier in the month a correspondent for Reuters was expelled from Diyarbakir. In April police in Istanbul beat with rifle butts three reporters from the daily Star, who were covering street skirmishes. In June police in Mardin province briefly detained a Turkish correspondent for several western media outlets. In September several police officers hit a photojournalist with the daily Radikal who was covering a banned demonstration in Istanbul. During the November review conference of the OSCE in Istanbul, several journalists working at leftist or pro-Kurdish publications were detained either from the premises of their publications or as they left the conference. Some of them alleged mistreatment at the hands of police. In December Hasan Guzel, head of the small Rebirth Party and an outspoken former Education Minister, began serving a 1-year sentence for inciting religious and ethnic enmity based on a controversial 1997 speech. The Government continued to restrict the free expression of ideas by individuals sympathetic to some Islamist, leftist, and Kurdish nationalist or cultural viewpoints. HADEP political candidates were not allowed to enter certain areas of the state of emergency region during the election campaign, nor allowed to use Kurdish music. Abdurrahman Dilipak, a veteran columnist with the Islamist daily, Akit, faced multiple new charges during the year for articles criticizing the Government's policy, especially on religious head coverings and the alleged activities of a military group that reportedly monitors political Islam in Turkey. Former Chairman of the HRA Akin Birdal, jailed in June for free expression crimes, was released in September from prison for 6 months on medical grounds but faces other charges related to previous speeches (see Section 4). Erol Yarar, former chairman of the Islamist Businessmen's Association of Independent Industrialists and Businessmen (MUSIAD), was convicted in April of promoting racial, ethnic, and religious enmity (Article 312 of the Penal Code) for a speech he made in October 1997. His 1-year sentence and fine were suspended for 5 years. Imprisoned since 1993, author Ismail Besikci was released in September under the law suspending the sentences of journalists. His 79-year sentence on over 50 charges was based on his articles on Kurdish issues. He faced at least 50 more similar charges, some of which may be subject to suspension. Poet Yilmaz Odabasi, released from prison in September under the law suspending sentences, was sent back to prison in December for "insulting the court." During the hearing that led to his earlier imprisonment, he told the court "I am ashamed to be in the same era and country as you." Since that statement was not made in the media, he cannot benefit from the suspension of sentences law again. Haluk Gerger served 10 months in prison in 1998 for an article published in the pro-Kurdish Ozgur Gundem and is now out of the country but faces imprisonment for two other convictions for similar articles. Can Yucel, sentenced to over 1 year's imprisonment for "insulting the President," died in September. Editorial cartoonist Dogan Guzel was sentenced to 16 months' imprisonment in 1998 for insulting the state and armed forces but was released in September under the law suspending sentences. The 10-month sentences of Sanar Yurdatapan, a well-known musician and spokesman for freedom of expression, and two other members of a "peace working group," for insulting the military, were reversed by the Court of Appeals. Two other trials, based on articles Yurdatapan wrote about the military were suspended. Istanbul Mayor Recep Tayyip Erdogan was released from prison in July after serving his 41/2-month sentence for a speech he made in 1997 that was deemed to have "incited ethnic, racial, and religious enmity," based on Article 312 of the Penal Code. His sentence, which was reduced from 10 months, includes a lifetime ban from politics. Some HADEP members, including three religion experts, convicted of writing articles in a 1997 edition of the HADEP bulletin that incited "racial, ethnic, and religious enmity," were released under the law suspending sentences of journalists. Others remain in jail. Imprisoned former Democratic Party (DEP) Member of Parliament Leyla Zana's conviction on this charge was suspended under the same law, but she continues to serve a 15-year term for another conviction. Dozens of similar cases against former DEP Chairman Hatip Dicle (a fellow prisoner with Zana) for writing articles were suspended; however, he remains in prison serving terms for other convictions. Former political science professor Yalcin Kucuk, arrested in 1998 when he returned from self-imposed exile, remains in jail on charges of belonging to an illegal organization; several cases against him continue. Many other convictions for crimes committed through publication were suspended under the September law, including the sentences of novelist Yasar Kemal, convicted in 1995, and 1,080 writers who supported him. Dogu Perincek, chairman of the Workers' Party, served 11 months in prison on a sentence for illegal possession of classified state documents, assisting a terrorist organization, and possession of unlicensed firearms. By law he had to resign his political position as chair of the Labor Party but was reelected during the year. He now faces two other convictions, a 1-year imprisonment for a 1994 speech delivered at the HRA general convention and a fine for slandering former Prime Minister Tansu Ciller. In December a prosecutor dropped charges against Perincek for "assisting a terrorist organization." Playwright Mehmet Vahi Yazar, who was sentenced in 1998 to 24 years in prison for "insulting the military," was retried and his sentence was reduced to 11 years; the sentences of the four actors who performed his play were changed to 5 years, but they all were released in consideration of time served. The suspended sentence and fine imposed on a publisher and translator for Pencere Publishing who published a Turkish translation of a controversial German book were upheld. Journalist Ragip Duran was released in January after serving a sentence related to an article he wrote. A total of 114 intellectuals and human rights activists were sentenced in April to a year in prison each, on charges of "separatist propaganda," for signing a 1993 declaration calling for a peaceful solution to the Kurdish conflict, according to the Anatolian and Reuters news agencies. Kurdish-language cassettes and publications are available commercially, although the periodic banning of particular cassettes or singers continued. Human rights monitors reported isolated cases of police detention of singers and others at weddings where Kurdish music was played. The Economist magazine reported that police detained Ali Aktas, a popular Kurdish folk singer, in September after he sang Kurdish songs at a concert to benefit earthquake victims. He was interrogated for 10 hours at Diyarbakir police headquarters and accused of singing political songs, which he denied. The Kurdish-language weekly Azadiya Welate still is banned in the state of emergency region, and some 10 other publications were available only on an infrequent basis. Potential customers are afraid to purchase Kurdish-language materials because the possession of such items may be interpreted as evidence of PKK sympathies. Kurdish-language broadcasts of news, commentary, or discussion are illegal throughout the country. Kurdish music is played on radio and television programs with certain restrictions. Which Kurdish songs can be played in the emergency zone and adjacent areas is regulated closely. The state of emergency regional governor frequently bans Kurdish recordings that may be played legally elsewhere in the country. Stations that play Kurdish songs not on the limited play list risk temporary bans or closure. Radio stations that mix small amounts of Kurdish songs into their predominantly Turkish broadcasting appear to face fewer problems. Kurdish music was banned from use in campaigning during the election period. Pro-PKK MED-TV was banned in the United Kingdom after pro-Ocalan terrorist incidents in Europe. Its successor, MEDYA-TV, broadcasts in Kurdish from Europe and can be received via satellite dish in the southeast. Another station, Kurdistan-TV, is based in northern Iraq and also can be received via satellite in the southeast. In July the European Court of Human Rights ruled on 13 cases dealing with freedom of expression cases in which the plaintiffs were jailed or fined for books, articles, or statements that they wrote or published on mainly Kurdish issues. The plaintiffs were convicted in those cases either for "inciting ethnic hatred" or "disseminating propaganda against the indivisibility of the state" or, in one case, for "revealing the identity of officials responsible for combating terrorism." The Court found that the Government violated the applicants' right to freedom of expression in 11 of these 13 cases; denied applicants in 9 cases the right to have their cases heard by an independent and impartial tribunal because of the presence of military judges on the State Security Co